When the United States under President Donald Trump extended refugee status to some white Afrikaners, it sparked global headlines and national debate. For those who took the offer, it was framed as a lifeline — an escape from fear and insecurity in post-apartheid South Africa. But for many others, it forced them to look at the true reality of living as a white person in South Africa and why the pros outweighed the cons.
South Africa has a white population of around 4 million people, half of which are Afrikaners. Only about 70,000 of them have expressed interest in “making] South Africa great again”.
We’ve heard a lot from those who chose to leave. But what about those who stayed?
Taking a step back: Who are the Afrikaners?
Afrikaners have deep roots in South Africa. Their history on this land can be broadly divided into three main periods: the Voortrekker era, the rise and fall of the National Party during apartheid, and the post-1994 democratic shift.
- Dutch colonisation
The first European settlement in South Africa, by the Dutch East India Company, was established in 1652 at Table Bay, now known as Cape Town. This marks the beginning of Dutch settlement in the region, which would later be the origin of the Afrikaner ethnic group.
- The Voortrekker Era
In the 1830s, Dutch, German, and French Huguenot settlers—who spoke what became Afrikaans—left the British-controlled Cape Colony during the Great Trek. They sought independence, especially after the abolition of slavery. They established Boer republics and key events, such as the Battle of Blood River and the Anglo-Boer Wars, shaped a strong narrative of Afrikaner resilience and victimhood.
- The National Party and Apartheid
The National Party’s rise to power in 1948 marked the peak of Afrikaner political dominance. Through apartheid, they enforced racial segregation and promoted the Afrikaans language and culture. Monuments like the Voortrekker Monument were built to enshrine their ideology. But by the 1980s, internal resistance and international pressure forced a reckoning. In 1990, President F.W. de Klerk began dismantling apartheid due to this global pressure and national discontent.
- Post-1994 democratic shift
With the end of apartheid in 1994, Afrikaners had to adjust to life in a democratic South Africa where political power was no longer in their hands, though economic power still rang loud. Some struggled with the loss of cultural prominence as Afrikaans language rights and symbols were rolled back. While many adapted, others emigrated or moved to enclaves like Orania in an effort to preserve their culture and way of life.
Why are some are choosing to stay
While some Afrikaners have chosen to relocate to the US, others remain deeply rooted in South Africa, driven by ties beyond economic opportunity. For many, staying is not simply about resisting change but about holding on to the land, identity, and legacy that have shaped generations. Family and relationship ties run deep.
Speaking to explain, France Postumus, an elder resident staying in Quigney, East London, received his land in the 1970s, sharing, “I was born here. This is my father’s land,” adding he has no intention of moving because he feels safe and maintains good relationships with neighbours of all races. That connection with the land is not just about property it is linked to his heritage and and sense of belonging.
Similarly, Nicole Randall, a stay-at-home mother, said to explain that although the United States has offered her the option to relocate, she wouldn’t leave. “This is my home and the majority of my friends are black… I would never leave.”
Garth Potgieter, who is self-employed as a photographer, shares this sentiment and dismissed allegations of white genocide: “I have built a life here in South Africa. I love my country and the people in it. I don’t see moving to the US as an opportunity,” he said.
Four hundred years after the first Dutch settlers came to South Africa, most Afrikaners see themselves as African and no longer identify with their European roots.
Putting the ‘white genocide’ narrative to rest
This false idea, spread by white supremacists, is the belief that white people are dying because non-white populations are growing faster. Additionally, they believe that white people are being “forced” to mix with other races through things like immigration, diversity policies, and multiculturalism.
In keeping with this, Trump claimed that white farmers in South Africa were being killed in large numbers. This has been widely debunked.
To make matters worse, when South African President Cyril Ramaphosa and his team visited Washington last week, they hoped to improve relations with the Trump administration after months of tension. Instead, the visit became a tough diplomatic exchange that played out publicly. During the meeting, Trump even showed a video that he claimed was proof of a so-called “genocide” against white farmers, evidence proven to be misleading.
Not only is there no “white genocide” in South Africa, but the country is the most unequal on the planet, with the scales tipped to its white population. According to the World Bank, inequality in per capita consumption is about 50 percent higher than the average for upper-middle-income countries. In South Africa, the typical black household owns 5 percent of the wealth held by the typical white household. In Q2 of 2024, the official unemployment rate was 33.5%. This data had a racial breakdown available, noting the rate was 37.6% among black South Africans and 7.9% among white South Africans.
The reality of starting over
While many have chosen to stay, some have chosen to leave.
Charl Kleinhausis one of them. Kleinhaus, a 46-year-old farmer from Mpumalanga, left behind his home, car, and his own mother after receiving death threats. “I didn’t come here for fun,” he told the BBC. Living in a budget hotel in Buffalo, New York, he says, “My children are safe.” He was one of 49 Afrikaners granted refugee status under a policy by Trump. Despite criticism and being called “cowards” by Ramaphosa, Kleinhaus says he’s thankful: “I felt finally somebody in this world is seeing what’s going on.” Though he admits the move is risky, he believes it’s part of God’s plan: “My life is in His hands.”
But it’s not necessarily an easy out. Visa Immigration SA managing director Ross Viljoen noted it is possible that Afrikaners would experience the same treatment suffered by minorities living in the US, and life could be a hassle in a country where citizens have demonstrated hostility towards foreigners.
Interestingly enough, Viljoen’s company, which operates internationally and observes South Africans living abroad, saw “a lot of US nationals looking to come to South Africa” after Trump’s election. This may suggest that Americans are immigrating to escape the challenges of their own country. “We had a serious spike of US nationals wanting to come to South Africa, which says something,” he said.
Additionally, while the US may be a tremendous economic hub, Trump has not indicated exactly how Afrikaners would benefit from moving to America.
Loren Landau, from the African Centre for Migration and Society at Wits University in Johannesburg, believes the relocation of Afrikaners as refugees is “absurd and ridiculous” because they have not received tourist or work permit statuses but are recognised as refugees. One major disadvantage of being recognised as a refugee instead of entering with a work or tourist visa is limited access to employment.
The decision to stay or leave is not simple for Afrikaners; it goes beyond safety or better opportunities. It shakes up a core African identity and plays into Trump’s divide-and-conquer tactic. While race relations in the country are far from resolved, democratic South Africa has made significant strides in reconciliation. As Ramaphosa reminded Trump and the world in their meeting last week, we learned about “peace” from Mandela and aren’t stopping now.
Lona is a recent graduate with an Honours degree in Journalism and Media Studies from Wits University. Passionate about storytelling, she is eager to learn, grow, and hone her writing skills.
Why some Afrikaners are staying put despite Trump’s “refugee” offer
|
When the United States under President Donald Trump extended refugee status to some white Afrikaners, it sparked global headlines and national debate. For those who took the offer, it was framed as a lifeline — an escape from fear and insecurity in post-apartheid South Africa. But for many others, it forced them to look at the true reality of living as a white person in South Africa and why the pros outweighed the cons.
South Africa has a white population of around 4 million people, half of which are Afrikaners. Only about 70,000 of them have expressed interest in “making] South Africa great again”.
We’ve heard a lot from those who chose to leave. But what about those who stayed?
Taking a step back: Who are the Afrikaners?
Afrikaners have deep roots in South Africa. Their history on this land can be broadly divided into three main periods: the Voortrekker era, the rise and fall of the National Party during apartheid, and the post-1994 democratic shift.
The first European settlement in South Africa, by the Dutch East India Company, was established in 1652 at Table Bay, now known as Cape Town. This marks the beginning of Dutch settlement in the region, which would later be the origin of the Afrikaner ethnic group.
In the 1830s, Dutch, German, and French Huguenot settlers—who spoke what became Afrikaans—left the British-controlled Cape Colony during the Great Trek. They sought independence, especially after the abolition of slavery. They established Boer republics and key events, such as the Battle of Blood River and the Anglo-Boer Wars, shaped a strong narrative of Afrikaner resilience and victimhood.
The National Party’s rise to power in 1948 marked the peak of Afrikaner political dominance. Through apartheid, they enforced racial segregation and promoted the Afrikaans language and culture. Monuments like the Voortrekker Monument were built to enshrine their ideology. But by the 1980s, internal resistance and international pressure forced a reckoning. In 1990, President F.W. de Klerk began dismantling apartheid due to this global pressure and national discontent.
With the end of apartheid in 1994, Afrikaners had to adjust to life in a democratic South Africa where political power was no longer in their hands, though economic power still rang loud. Some struggled with the loss of cultural prominence as Afrikaans language rights and symbols were rolled back. While many adapted, others emigrated or moved to enclaves like Orania in an effort to preserve their culture and way of life.
Why are some are choosing to stay
While some Afrikaners have chosen to relocate to the US, others remain deeply rooted in South Africa, driven by ties beyond economic opportunity. For many, staying is not simply about resisting change but about holding on to the land, identity, and legacy that have shaped generations. Family and relationship ties run deep.
Speaking to explain, France Postumus, an elder resident staying in Quigney, East London, received his land in the 1970s, sharing, “I was born here. This is my father’s land,” adding he has no intention of moving because he feels safe and maintains good relationships with neighbours of all races. That connection with the land is not just about property it is linked to his heritage and and sense of belonging.
Similarly, Nicole Randall, a stay-at-home mother, said to explain that although the United States has offered her the option to relocate, she wouldn’t leave. “This is my home and the majority of my friends are black… I would never leave.”
Garth Potgieter, who is self-employed as a photographer, shares this sentiment and dismissed allegations of white genocide: “I have built a life here in South Africa. I love my country and the people in it. I don’t see moving to the US as an opportunity,” he said.
Four hundred years after the first Dutch settlers came to South Africa, most Afrikaners see themselves as African and no longer identify with their European roots.
Putting the ‘white genocide’ narrative to rest
This false idea, spread by white supremacists, is the belief that white people are dying because non-white populations are growing faster. Additionally, they believe that white people are being “forced” to mix with other races through things like immigration, diversity policies, and multiculturalism.
In keeping with this, Trump claimed that white farmers in South Africa were being killed in large numbers. This has been widely debunked.
To make matters worse, when South African President Cyril Ramaphosa and his team visited Washington last week, they hoped to improve relations with the Trump administration after months of tension. Instead, the visit became a tough diplomatic exchange that played out publicly. During the meeting, Trump even showed a video that he claimed was proof of a so-called “genocide” against white farmers, evidence proven to be misleading.
Not only is there no “white genocide” in South Africa, but the country is the most unequal on the planet, with the scales tipped to its white population. According to the World Bank, inequality in per capita consumption is about 50 percent higher than the average for upper-middle-income countries. In South Africa, the typical black household owns 5 percent of the wealth held by the typical white household. In Q2 of 2024, the official unemployment rate was 33.5%. This data had a racial breakdown available, noting the rate was 37.6% among black South Africans and 7.9% among white South Africans.
The reality of starting over
While many have chosen to stay, some have chosen to leave.
Charl Kleinhausis one of them. Kleinhaus, a 46-year-old farmer from Mpumalanga, left behind his home, car, and his own mother after receiving death threats. “I didn’t come here for fun,” he told the BBC. Living in a budget hotel in Buffalo, New York, he says, “My children are safe.” He was one of 49 Afrikaners granted refugee status under a policy by Trump. Despite criticism and being called “cowards” by Ramaphosa, Kleinhaus says he’s thankful: “I felt finally somebody in this world is seeing what’s going on.” Though he admits the move is risky, he believes it’s part of God’s plan: “My life is in His hands.”
But it’s not necessarily an easy out. Visa Immigration SA managing director Ross Viljoen noted it is possible that Afrikaners would experience the same treatment suffered by minorities living in the US, and life could be a hassle in a country where citizens have demonstrated hostility towards foreigners.
Interestingly enough, Viljoen’s company, which operates internationally and observes South Africans living abroad, saw “a lot of US nationals looking to come to South Africa” after Trump’s election. This may suggest that Americans are immigrating to escape the challenges of their own country. “We had a serious spike of US nationals wanting to come to South Africa, which says something,” he said.
Additionally, while the US may be a tremendous economic hub, Trump has not indicated exactly how Afrikaners would benefit from moving to America.
Loren Landau, from the African Centre for Migration and Society at Wits University in Johannesburg, believes the relocation of Afrikaners as refugees is “absurd and ridiculous” because they have not received tourist or work permit statuses but are recognised as refugees. One major disadvantage of being recognised as a refugee instead of entering with a work or tourist visa is limited access to employment.
The decision to stay or leave is not simple for Afrikaners; it goes beyond safety or better opportunities. It shakes up a core African identity and plays into Trump’s divide-and-conquer tactic. While race relations in the country are far from resolved, democratic South Africa has made significant strides in reconciliation. As Ramaphosa reminded Trump and the world in their meeting last week, we learned about “peace” from Mandela and aren’t stopping now.
Lona Sokanyile
Lona is a recent graduate with an Honours degree in Journalism and Media Studies from Wits University. Passionate about storytelling, she is eager to learn, grow, and hone her writing skills.
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