Transparency International has released its 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), mapping out corruption levels worldwide since 1995. In that first report, South Africa scored 56 out of 100 (then measured as 5.62 out of 10). Fast forward 29 years, and our score has worsened to 41 out of 100—our lowest to date—placing us among the 101 countries whose scores remained unchanged from 2023. We also fall into the category of a ‘flawed democracy,’ highlighting ongoing governance challenges. But that isn’t a new label for us. 

This year’s report focuses on corruption’s role in the climate crisis. “While billions of people around the world face the daily consequences of climate change, resources for adaptation and mitigation remain woefully inadequate. Corruption intensifies these challenges, posing additional threats to vulnerable communities,” the report states.

Adding to this scrutiny, South Africa is set to host the G20 Summit later this year—the first time the continent has had the honour. However, given our track record with corruption, doubts are being raised about our ability to manage such a high-profile event without domestic issues interfering. Can we blame them? Loadshedding alone has done enough damage to our reputation in the energy sector. 

So, how did we get here, and what does this mean for our future as a leader in climate discussions?

What exactly is corruption, the CPI, and how does it all work?

There are many definitions of corruption, but Transparency International boils it down to “the abuse of entrusted power for private gain.” It happens at all levels, involving both the powerful and the ordinary citizen. The one thing it always has in common? Secrecy. “Corruption, by its very nature, is clandestine. It happens in secret. It’s not something that is out there in the open,” says Deborah Mutemwa, advocate and former Head of Legal and Investigations at Corruption Watch.

To expose this secrecy, Transparency International publishes the CPI annually—the most widely used global corruption ranking. It measures how corrupt a country’s public sector is perceived to be, using data from 13 independent sources, including the World Bank and the World Economic Forum. Each country needs input from at least three of these sources to be included in the index.

Countries receive both a score (0-100, where 0 means highly corrupt and 100 means very clean) and a rank (their position relative to other nations). The score is what civil society and governments focus on when the index is released, as it reflects corruption perceptions rather than rankings alone.

State capture: The corruption scandal we can’t shake

Ah, state capture—two words South Africans would love to forget. But we can’t talk about corruption without mentioning this dark chapter. In simple terms, state capture is when powerful individuals or groups manipulate government decisions for personal gain. Enter the Guptas, who ran the most infamous state capture operation during Jacob Zuma’s presidency (2009-2018), siphoning billions from state-owned enterprises like Eskom, Transnet, and South African Airways.

To investigate this, the prominent Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of State Capture, Corruption and Fraud in the Public Sector including Organs of State, aka the Zondo Commission, was set up, revealing the true extent of the rot. It was run by former Chief Justice Raymond Zondo, making him a recognisable public figure, a patriotic hero fighting the ugly head of corruption.

“In the post-state capture years, we saw the full scale of corruption come to light. That could have had two effects,” Mutemwa told explain. “It gave the country a sense that we were cleaning house, but it also painted a stark picture of how deep the corruption, the rot, ran.”

Public outcry and intense ANC pressure led to Zuma’s removal in 2018. Since then, the government has ramped up anti-corruption efforts, from the Zondo Commission to the NPA’s Investigating Directorate and the Fusion Centre targeting financial crimes. “One must give credit to the government for showing a firm commitment to tackling corruption post-state capture,” Mutemwa acknowledges. Since 2016—when Zuma was accused of enabling state capture—our CPI score has still dropped from 45 to 41, signalling that the reputation we have been burdened with since this debacle is yet to go anywhere.

Corruption is killing our climate response

“It’s appropriate to link the impacts of corruption on a nation’s ability to respond to climate change,” Mutemwa says about the CPI report. “On the African continent, there’s always been a link between corruption and the various African nations’ ability to meet the needs of their people. When corruption enters the picture, from a climate change perspective, it is a life-and-death situation.”

It is an unfortunate truth that developing nations bear the brunt of the climate crisis. The wealthiest countries represent only 16% of the world’s population and emit almost 40% of global CO2 emissions. In contrast, the poorest countries account for nearly 60% of the world’s population, emitting less than 15% of emissions. The consequences of this are dire, resulting in climate refugees, famine, socioeconomic instability, violence and more – all under ill-prepared governments that don’t have the capacity to enact meaningful, sustainable change. 

“Despite the life-threatening implications that climate change has on everyday people, we’re still at a stage where many see it as a problem in the sky—not something hitting home,” Mutemwa notes.

But it is hitting home for us.

Mean annual temperatures in the country have increased by twice the global average (0.7°C). Heat waves are more frequent, and dry spells last longer.

South Africa’s addiction to coal is a major factor. Despite commitments to go green, we remain the number one carbon emitter in Africa. The government has ambitious plans on paper, like the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), to reduce emissions, but progress has been sluggish. Eskom—crippled by corruption and mismanagement—has stalled the renewable energy transition, despite international funding offers. Bureaucratic red tape and shady procurement deals further slow down progress.

Then there’s Gwede Mantashe, Minister of Mineral and Petroleum Resources and coal’s biggest champion. He insists that coal is crucial for economic stability and jobs, while renewable projects await approval. Critics argue his stance isn’t just about energy security but about protecting deep-seated financial and political interests. The fear? That renewables could become another corruption-riddled sector like Eskom.

At its core, South Africa’s climate crisis is inseparable from corruption. State capture hollowed out Eskom, and now, murky procurement processes threaten to undermine the renewable sector before it even takes off. As we prepare to host the G20 Summit, the world is watching: will we address the corruption that’s stalling our progress, or will we stay trapped in this energy mess?

Why is our CPI score not better? Haven’t we made progress?

If we’ve had commissions, arrests, and anti-corruption drives, why hasn’t our CPI score improved? The short answer: fighting corruption is one thing, but systemic change is another.

Yes, the Zondo Commission exposed major scandals, and institutions like the NPA’s Investigating Directorate have been beefed up. But high-profile prosecutions are rare, and most big players in state capture still walk free. Legal battles drag on, law enforcement agencies remain underfunded, and new scandals—like dodgy COVID-19 PPE tenders—keep emerging. It’s like trying to mop up a flooded house while the tap is still running.

Corruption isn’t just about money—it’s about a system that allows impunity. The networks enabling state capture still exist in different forms, from local government to procurement deals. Until there’s real political will to dismantle these networks, our CPI score is unlikely to improve. Talk of fighting corruption means little without real consequences.

A culture of corruption—but can we change?

Corruption isn’t just a political issue in South Africa—it’s part of everyday life.

“It’s not just about big tenders,” Mutemwa explains. “It’s the willingness of the man on the street to pay off a police officer. It’s an 18-year-old paying for a driver’s license rather than passing the test. Corruption is cultural. We’re all part of an ecosystem of justice that can fight corruption in small and big ways.”

Decades of patronage, weak consequences, and eroded trust in public institutions have fueled a mindset where corruption is seen as a survival tool rather than a crime. When citizens watch politicians loot without real punishment, the message is clear: Corruption pays. This weakens democracy, disengages voters, and keeps us stuck in a system that feels impossible to change.

This is where transparency and accountability come in. Tackling corruption isn’t just about punishing the guilty—it’s about changing the mindset that corruption is inevitable. The CPI should be seen as part of a broader push to expose corruption and force it into the light. Because until corruption is treated as the national crisis it is, South Africa will continue to pay the price. Until then, we remain a flawed democracy.